The modern accelerationist far-right has a notable focus on attacking and disrupting sites of infrastructure-energy delivery, mass transportation, mass communication, etc.-as part of its wider strategy to provoke socio-political systemic breakdown, in the hopes of accelerating social change. Broader implications of the study include the usefulness of action research and applied practice for methodological innovations and theory building. These findings challenge the prevailing practices of conflict mapping and analysis that uncritically presume a static nature of conflict parties' goals. It also reveals distinct patterns of their recollections. A longitudinal content analysis of the timelines reveals that the participants' experiences of cross‐Strait relations have continuously altered their mental frames of the conflict. A cohort of civil society delegates from both sides of the Strait, each with five persons, participated in each of the dialogues and produced the timelines. These timelines were developed in the context of twenty weeklong Interactive Conflict Resolution (ICR) dialogues that the author facilitated. Any policy proposal or technical solution that is not in some way compatible with the Liberation narrative implied by this imagery will be bitterly opposed, not only in the short term but also into the foreseeable future.Īn analysis of twenty pairs of Taiwanese and mainland Chinese timelines of cross‐Strait relations demonstrates a highly dynamic way in which the two societies' conflict memories have evolved over two decades. Using the semiotic structure of the story system implied by root narrative theory I point out possible moves that both international actors and interested scholars and journalist could make to improve relationships with Eritrea, which has been erroneously maligned with the title, “the North Korea of Africa.” I’ve titled this paper struggle and martyrdom to signal the most efficient way to come to terms with the current leadership of Eritrea. Examining a small sample of representative texts from the government of Eritrea and from international critics of the regime, I demonstrate that these parties-different moral languages that make it almost impossible for each side to see the point of view of the other. In this paper I have applied root narrative theory to the case of conflict in Eritrea, a small African country along the Red Sea that has been embroiled in conflict with its neighbors and the international community on and off since at least 1961. This book will be of much interest to students of conflict resolution, peace studies and International Relations, as well as to practitioners of conflict resolution. By locating the source of radical disagreement in story structures and political history rather than in biological or cognitive systems, Root Narrative Theory bridges the divides between reason and emotion, realism and idealism, without losing sight of the inescapable human element at work in the world’s most devastating conflicts. Providing theoretically complex but easy-to-use tools, this book offers a completely new way to think about storytelling, the effects of abusive power on interpretation, the relationship between power and conceptions of justice, and the origins and substance of ultimate values. Based on a simple idea-the legacy effects of abuses of power-the book argues that conflicts only endure and escalate where there is a clash of interpretations about the history of institutional power. This theory of moral politics bridges emotion and reason, and, rather than relying on what people say, it helps both the analyst and the practitioner to focus on what people mean in a language that parties to the conflict understand. This book introduces Root Narrative Theory, a new approach for narrative analysis, decoding moral politics, and for building respect and understanding in conditions of radical disagreement.
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